To encourage innovation and competition, the report calls for increased investment in research, the crafting of coherent curricula that improve students' ability to solve problems and communicate effectively in the 21st century, increased funding for teachers and the encouragement of scholars to bring their learning to bear on the great challenges of the day.
The other reason why costs are so high is the restrictive guild-like ownership structure of the business.
The commission ignores that for several decades America's colleges and universities have produced graduates who don't know the content and character of liberal education and are thus deprived of its benefits.
Regrettably, however, the report's failure to address the true nature of the crisis facing liberal education may cause more harm than good.
Sensible ideas have been around for a long time, but the state-level bodies that govern the profession have been too conservative to implement them.
Because representative government presupposes an informed citizenry, the report supports full literacy; stresses the study of history and government, particularly American history and American government; and encourages the use of new digital technologies.
If the bar exam is truly a stern enough test for a would-be lawyer, those who can sit it earlier should be allowed to do so.
There is pressure for change from within the profession, but opponents of change among the regulators insist that keeping outsiders out of a law firm isolates lawyers from the pressure to make money rather than serve clients ethically.
In 2010, leading congressional Democrats and Republicans sent letters to the AAAS asking that it identify actions that could be taken by "federal, state and local governments, universities, foundations, educators, individual benefactors and others" to "maintain national excellence in humanities and social scientific scholarship and education".
"The Heart of the Matter", the just-released report by the American Academy of Arts and Sciences (AAAS), deserves praise for affirming the importance of the humanities and social sciences to the prosperity and security of liberal democracy in America.
Many of them instead become the kind of nuisance-lawsuit filer that makes the tort system a costly nightmare.
Today, professors routinely treat the progressive interpretation of history and progressive public policy as the proper subject of study while portraying conservative or classical liberal ideas — such as free markets and self-reliance — as falling outside the boundaries of routine, and sometimes legitimate, intellectual investigation.
It is fair to criticize and question the mechanism — that is the culture of research, after all — but it is the prize-givers' money to do with as they please.
But in Osborneland, your first instinct is to fall into dependency — permanent dependency if you can get it — supported by a state only too ready to indulge your falsehood.
Losing a job is hurting: you don't skip down to the jobcentre with a song in your heart, delighted at the prospect of doubling your income from the generous state.
On first hearing, this was the socially concerned chancellor, trying to change lives for the better, complete with "reforms" to an obviously indulgent system that demands too little effort from the newly unemployed to find work, and subsidises laziness.
What motivated him, we were to understand, was his zeal for "fundamental fairness" — protecting the taxpayer, controlling spending and ensuring that only the most deserving claimants received their benefits.
Only if the jobless arrive at the jobcentre with a CV, register for online job search, and start looking for work will they be eligible for benefit — and then they should report weekly rather than fortnightly.
Even the very phrase "jobseeker's allowance" — invented in 1996 — is about redefining the unemployed as a "jobseeker" who had no mandatory right to a benefit he or she has earned through making national insurance contributions.
That might seem rather an obscure point, but it sets the tone for an exhibition that contains a lot of black-and-white photographs and relatively few natural objects.
Emerging in the late Sixties and reaching a peak in the Seventies, Land Art was one of a range of new forms, including Body Art, Performance Art, Action Art and Installation Art, which pushed art beyond the traditional confines of the studio and gallery.
The principle of British welfare is no longer that you can insure yourself against the risk of unemployment and receive unconditional payments if the disaster happens.
The message of this survey of British land art — the most comprehensive to date — is that the British variant, typified by Long's piece, was not only more domestically scaled, but a lot quirkier than its American counterpart.
Negative attitudes toward obesity, grounded in health concerns, have stimulated a number of anti-obesity policies.
A number of studies have concluded that normal-weight people are in fact at higher risk of some diseases compared to those who are overweight.
Of even greater concern is the fact that obesity turns out to be very difficult to define.
Michelle Obama has launched a high-visibility campaign against childhood obesity, even claiming that it represents our greatest national security threat.
Some people with a high BMI are in fact extremely fit, while others with a low BMI may be in poor shape.
While it probably wasn't apparent at the time, much of this work is permeated by a spirit of romantic escapism that the likes of Wordsworth would have readily understood.
Even very young children tend to look down on the overweight, and teasing about body build has long been a problem in schools.